Only a few weeks ago, Germany's Pegida movement attracted tens of thousands of supporters every Monday and was on its way to become a political power.
Then, however, things started to go poorly for the German
anti-Muslim protesters.
Authorities canceled one of the marches due to a terror
threat, briefly after the attacks in Paris. Then, it was revealed that Pegida's
leader, Lutz Bachmann, had posed as Hitler. Bachmann said he would resign, but
then he changed his mind. Instead, Pegida's more moderate organizers left in
protest and founded a new, more moderate movement that has so far failed to
attract substantial support.
By Feb. 9, the number of Pegida supporters in Dresden had
dropped from 25,000 (Jan. 12) to 2,000. Monday's march could mark the beginning
of the end of a movement that shocked domestic and foreign observers with its
loud, anti-Islam message, but also with the more hidden, xenophobic and
sometimes openly racist remarks of its supporters.
Why did Pegida lose so many supporters so quickly?
Here are some possible reasons for the sudden decline.
1. Infighting within Pegida's leadership. The Pegida march
Jan. 12, which marked the peak of support for the movement, already
foreshadowed its decline.
Kathrin Oertel -- one of the most prominent leaders of the group,
who would later resign -- said back then in an interview that the goals of
Pegida were not directed against Islam itself. Instead, she said, one should
try to achieve a more successful assimilation of immigrants, but also try to
prevent the supposed "Islamization" of democratic institutions.
According to multiple studies, many Germans even agreed with
some of Oertel's goals back then. Other Pegida supporters, however, had much
more radical ideas. One of them, for instance, proposed to throw refugees out
of planes, when talking to a TV crew -- and he was not alone with his extreme
position, as other interviews showed. On Jan. 12, it became clear that Pegida's
leadership had to decide what it wanted to become: a melting pot for a minority
of right-wing racists or a movement for middle class citizens concerned about
the sudden influx of refugees.
Unable to make such a decision, Pegida's 12-strong
leadership split amid growing legal challenges and philosophical differences.
2. National opposition was too strong, and the gains of the
movement were minimal. In January, pro-tolerance demonstrations started to
outnumber their anti-Islam counterparts nationally, and social movement
scholars predicted that Pegida would quickly start to decline. The fact that
Pegida was unable to turn the movement's goals into actual political successes
did not help, either.
3. Many Pegida supporters wanted to voice local criticism,
and were shocked when they found themselves on international front pages.
Their message -- primarily directed against Chancellor
Merkel and local politicians -- suddenly became a concern for Dresden's tourism
sector and its enterprises. Abroad, tourist attraction Dresden started to be
portrayed as a xenophobic no-go zone.
When authorities prohibited Dresden's Pegida march Jan. 19 due to a potential terror attack, the
feeling of power many had enjoyed when they joined the protests turned to fear.
4. Similar, smaller protest marches in other cities failed.
5. The protesters could not agree on a common agenda.
Recently, confusion had grown about the actual goals of Pegida and other,
similar groups. Studies by Dresden’s Technical University as well as the
Berlin-based scientific center WZB had found indications that many protesters
marched out of a deeper frustration with Germany’s political elite more
generally — and not out of fear of Islam or an Islamization of German society,
specifically.
6. Furthermore, neo-Nazis dominated several Pegida
offshoots. More moderate Pegida supporters did not want to be associated with
the right-wing extremist protesters at some smaller marches that were organized
in support of the larger Dresden-based movement.
The decline of the Pegida movement does not indicate a
sudden change of mind of thousands of anti-Muslim protesters, though. Pegida's
arguments will remain a challenge to liberal and conservative German
politicians alike.
Political scientists say the marches have divided the
population of Dresden in particular into Pegida sympathizers and opponents.
On Friday, the city will commemorate the 70th anniversary of
its bombing by Allied forces which killed about 25,000 civilians, according to
some estimates. Given the trauma of that event, one would think Dresden's
citizens should have a good deal of empathy for refugees displaced by newer
wars.
For that reason, even as Pegida seems to be in decline, one
crucial question remains unanswered: If an anti-refugee and anti-Islam movement
could arise in a city with such a tragic history, could it re-emerge elsewhere?
Credit to Rick Noack
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